Last month it was alleged by backbencher Bob Stewart that he
had been approached by colleagues to form a leadership challenge to David
Cameron. With ‘Borismania’ the centre piece of this year’s Party Conference,
talk of an pending challenge has been filling the political gossip pages for
weeks now, not helped by Boris’ regular public disagreements over government
policy. What such a challenge would represent is highly detrimental to the Party
and it begs the question over whether some in the party have learned the lessons of
the past.
Not many of the core supporters or those of the grassroots would
say that this frontbench is representative of their views or interests
everytime, nevertheless overthrowing this leadership, without democratic
mandate from the public would come at a massive cost to the Party going forward.
What those disgruntled on the back benches must remember,
before pressing the issue of a change of leadership, is the context in which
David Cameron assumed the leadership.
The Party was left toxically divided by the
ruthless casting aside of Thatcher throughout the difficult years of Major’s
Premiership. This disunity continued after 1997 by the rise of popularity of so
called ‘New Labour’, this marginalised the Tories, especially the unfashionable
Right faction of the Party, leaving us simply unelectable.
Poor choices out of
a poor selection of leadership candidates simply made this part of our history
even more harrowing. What David Cameron, whatever his flaws may be, picked up
in 2005 was a shambles. A broken Party, broken by the best part of 20 years of
disunity, infighting, scandal and perceived ‘outdated’ and ‘out of touch’ principles. What Cameron did in his years in Opposition was modernise the
party, reclaim and reach out our appeal to the electorate. Cameron, with the
help of the incompetence of Brown in Number 10, put the Conservative Party back
on the map and this is where we must stay.
Cameron’s change in approach and claim over the Centre
Ground, paved the way for our return to Government, albeit not in triumphant
fashion, with the failure to secure an overall majority. This return to power
paved the way for Michael Gove’s excellent education reform and Iain
Duncan-Smith’s welfare changes. Cameron’s gestures of modernisation, such as ‘hug
a hoodie’ , ‘liberal conservatism’, support for gay marriage and ‘Web Cameron’ made
a significant difference to the Party’s image, making us again credible and
appealing to the wider public.
So where has it all gone wrong for Cameron? Ultimately this
stems back to a poorly presented Budget and various ministerial scandals. But
these issues have had such an exacerbated effect due to frustration over the
slower than expected economic recovery, making such scandals further irritable
to an already agitated public and Conservative backbench. But a change in
leadership now would make the matter so much worse. Again, we would be a party
rife with vicious division. It would be reminiscent of the Post-Thatcher era of
infighting and detachment from reality. To the public it would appear that we
would have learned nothing from this forgettable episode. But we cannot forget
as the only winners here would be Labour and no doubt we would again be
punished by the electorate.
So how can Cameron ensure this scenario no longer threatens
to become reality? This all said it is the state of the economy that really
matters. Not just for the public, but to those inside his own party.
Cameron and his inner
circle of “metropolitan elites” must, of course oversee an economic recovery, bought
by the public. They must do this by maintaining their sense of mission in
wiping out the budget deficit. But they must also successfully turn their attention
to growth. All efforts must be committed to presenting a credible set of
policies to bring about growth and private sector jobs. Moving Michael Fallon
to the Business department is long overdue and is a masterstroke to change public perception that this Government has
growth at the top of its agenda. This would surely sooth disgruntled backbenchers.
The frontbench must also, if they can reflect backbench opinion more in Government. If they can, given that it is a Coalition, they could bring more core conservative principles and policies to the agenda. But what the Right of the party must remember is that it is the moderate Centre which has a democratic mandate, not the Right. Anything beyond this is simply party politics.
Cameron cannot be judged by his backbenchers solely by what
he does in Coalition, all effort and energies must be committed to securing a
landslide majority in 2015. Then, Cameron must get the balance right between
appeasing the Right of the Party and staying in touch with the moderate public.
Cameron’s ability to assert himself is limited inevitably, by the presence of
the Liberals in the Government. How Cameron would fare as the Leader of a majority
Conservative Government is a question for the Party post-2015 and not a day
before.
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